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Please update your billing information. The subscription details associated with this account need to be updated. They show a steady rise in number to , in , similar to the census figure for that year, and , in Figure 2.
The results of the census provide an opportunity to profile the new Polish population in the UK. Two new questions in the census, on year of arrival and nationality, allow analyses not hitherto possible.
The statistics below refer to nationality, not country of birth. However, at the time of writing a detailed breakdown for those in Scotland is not available so that the data below refer to England and Wales only. The Polish population in the UK in is a youthful one: Children under 15 comprised Given the even split by sex and the number in the fertile age range two-thirds being aged between 20 and 39 , further family formation is likely.
Year of arrival. Only 8. In the run-up to the number almost doubled. Over a quarter of a million In total, almost half a million Five per cent said their main language was English. The new arrivals were well educated, although it is not possible to establish how many were degree holders. Those with UK degrees and some of those with Polish degrees placed themselves in the census Level 4 qualifications category for degree holders Only Housing tenure.
The majority of new arrivals It is possible that many of the latter were in tied accommodation, especially in rural areas, where some form of accommodation formed part of fringe benefits. Only 9. Economic activity. The bulk of the new arrivals were economically active in employment ,, Of the inactive, three per cent were full-time students.
Of those in employment 56,, or Industry and occupation. By , the new arrivals had spread widely across the main economic sectors Table 6.
The largest group 27 per cent was in distribution and hospitality, followed by manufacturing The transport and communication industry hosted almost 10 per cent, but only small numbers were in agriculture 1. They were also spread throughout the occupational range, giving credence to the view that as they became established some Poles engaged in upward occupational mobility. However, jobs were still mainly at the lower end of the skill spectrum.
About a third were in elementary occupations, almost 19 per cent worked in manufacturing as process, plant and machine operatives, 15 per cent in managerial, professional and technical occupations, 16 per cent in skilled trades and 18 per cent in other services leisure, caring, sales and administrative and secretarial.
These data complement those from Poland, discussed above. What they reveal is a relatively newly arrived Polish population now showing evidence of settled maturity. It is a young, sex-balanced cohort, engaging in family formation. It is well educated, with good English language capabilities. It mainly makes use of the private rented housing sector, but with one in seven already in some form of ownership.
Over 80 per cent are in employment, with a substantial number in self-employment. Industry and occupation distributions show a wide penetration of the UK economy, although still with a tendency to occupy relatively lower skilled jobs.
On the surface it seems clear that simple economic motors — disadvantage in the homeland, opportunity in the new land — drove Polish migration to the UK. In fact, this is only part of the story. The post migrations — and their cultural and political consequences — may also be seen as managed and negotiated by a range of agencies, each of which having a vested interest in maximising its returns from population movement.
Above all, the flow resulted from a concurrence of political circumstances, socio-demographic forces in Poland and a pent-up demand in the UK for low-skilled labour. Impact of the terms of the accession treaty. Second, in view of a supposedly decreasing demand for low-skilled workers in the EU, a relatively low propensity to migrate was expected on the part of Polish workers, who were described as in general poorly educated and unable to communicate in foreign languages ibidem.
Third, the evidence of earlier EU enlargements indicated that the economic integration of Poland with the EU would promote growth in the Polish economy and thus weaken emigration pressure. Fourth, the analysis predicted a steady increase of immigration into Poland from other EU countries, so flows would be two-way. Fifth, studies suggested that, for social rather than purely economic reasons, dwindling numbers of Polish citizens were interested in working abroad ibidem.
This last claim was based on the growing costs of supporting two homes by migrant workers one in Poland and another in a foreign country , which could not be offset by the existing in fact, narrowing wage differences between Poland and EU15 countries.
Generally, the Polish government estimated an extra migration potential of only , persons in addition to what might have happened in the absence of an EU accession outflow. It thus argued that there was little danger of destabilising the EU labour market as a result of granting the citizens of Poland instant access to that market. As a result, during the early post-accession period the climate of enthusiasm for the westward movement of people and the exploration of employment opportunities in the old EU countries became a normality Romejko Apparently the test came off well.
However, this perception stemmed mainly from a two-year long experience of unlimited access to the UK. Policy in the UK. In the UK, the migrations from onward followed several years of relatively permissive labour immigration policies by the Labour government which came into power in From the late s, with backing from several ministries, notably including the Treasury, a more liberal approach to labour migration, particularly for the skilled and highly skilled, was pursued.
Opening up to the accession states was perceived as being sound from the perspective of foreign policy as well as offering a solution to increasingly publicised shortages of both skilled especially in construction and lower skilled labour especially in agriculture and hospitality.
When the UK initially made its decision, it was not known that most other EU15 states would refuse to open their borders in similar fashion. Furthermore, an econometric study carried out for the Home Office and written before the policies of the other EU15 countries were known forecast a net annual immigration from the accession states of some 13, during the first decade Dustmann, Casanova, Fertig, Preston, Schmidt Although it was assumed that substantial numbers might come, it was also assumed that most would return home in due course.
Hence, in both countries forecasts of the scale of migration were wide of the mark. Most explanations for the subsequent migration are based on labour market and other economic differences between the two countries. Various regression analyses have shown migration flows to be positively related to variations in wage rates, unemployment and economic growth see, for example, Drinkwater, Eade, Garapich Pollard et al.
Most emphasis is put on conditions in Poland, emphasising the push effects of low wage rates, youth unemployment and lack of opportunities, especially for women, resulting from the post-communist restructuring of the Polish economy.
However, it is not just aggregate wage rates which affect decisions to move. Average monthly net wages in Poland and the UK vary by sector: in construction and hospitality, for example, the differential was threefold in one study Cizkowicz, Holda, Sowa The series of surveys of Polish immigrants carried out in the UK consistently found that financial reasons, lack of opportunities in Poland and the desire for personal and professional development were key factors in decisions to migrate.
Cizkowicz et al. What was perceived as good pay was strongly positively correlated with job satisfaction even if the job did not require the use of the skills and qualifications held. Below we analyse the determinants of recent Poland to the UK migration in their complexity and interdependency.
Structural demographic and economic factors. The period around the date of accession to the EU coincided with increasing numbers of new labour market entrants. Assuming that the average age of entry was around 23 years, between and the Polish labour market had to face the arrival of people born in — In that period the number of births 4. Moreover, those baby-boomers were as a rule better educated and their occupational aspirations were higher than the general economically active population.
Given that the only accessible and absorptive labour market was the UK and to lesser extent Ireland it is not surprising that many of the baby-boomers of to were Britain bound. The structure of the labour force was changing too. Firstly, in the years preceding and following the working age population was growing fast, with the number of people entering retirement age declining and those entering working age increasing. Between and the share of population aged 25—59 rose from Secondly, the legacy of a large economically redundant population in relatively backward and predominantly rural areas led to a sizeable potential for current and future emigration.
Until accession, the realisation of this potential flow was slow because of its high dependence on relatively few social contacts in receiving countries and on the ability to find jobs in the shadow economies of EU15 countries.
Therefore, the accession-related freedom of population movement and unlimited access to some EU labour markets removed a major obstacle to a massive outflow of that superfluous labour force.
Thirdly, the opening up of the huge labour market of the UK approximately twice as large as the Polish market on 1 May expanded the space in which Polish citizens could freely seek employment opportunities, without having to depend on their social capital and ensuing migration networks. Life in the UK was perceived to be easier and of higher quality.
In particular, the prospects of having a job differed substantially. In the unemployment rate in the UK stood at 4. The number of vacancies in was around , in the UK and only , in Poland, which translated into 2. The difference with respect to job availability did not change much in the next two to three years. Additionally, pay in the UK was much higher than in Poland. Also, compensation costs of labour in manufacturing in the UK differed substantially from the respective costs in Poland.
Educational boom in Poland and improved human capital endowment of migrants. Contrary to the views of the Polish government during pre-accession negotiations with the EU, the level of education and ability to communicate in foreign languages was not low and in the immediate pre- and post-accession period, the situation greatly improved.
In only 9. Among those aged 25—29 and 30—34, In both these age groups, the share of people whose education was at least secondary exceeded 50 per cent.
Moreover, the transition period witnessed a great educational boom, especially among the population of rural areas. Overall, the proportion of 19—24 year olds in higher education rose from By , In these two groups as a whole, two-thirds of people had completed at least secondary education.
All this means that at the time of accession, a high quality labour force was available and one which continued to improve. Parallel to this boom, a significant improvement occurred with regard to the incidence of learning and knowledge of foreign languages, especially English and German.
Whereas The knowledge of English increased from 9 per cent of the adult population in to 17 per cent in and 30 per cent in , by which time 77 per cent of those aged 18—24 could communicate in English CBOS These changes transformed and upgraded the human capital of Polish youth and often stimulated professional aspirations and life strategies that could not be fulfilled in Poland but required further studies or work in other countries.
The emergence and rapid growth of a middle class after was accompanied by a growing demand for an international education. Growing familiarity with the English language increased the attractiveness of UK universities and colleges Andrejuk ; Szewczyk Why was Britain so attractive for Polish students? First, British universities were highly regarded and had well developed admission programmes for foreign students.
In addition, accession to the EU meant that Polish students enjoyed the same conditions as the British with regard to tuition fees and access to stipends. Furthermore, large international communities of students and teachers and the relatively high degree of tolerance of British society to foreigners were also important.
Second, there was a high incidence of secondary school graduates in Poland proficient in the English language. Many of them attended Polish schools offering an International Baccalaureate programme, recognised in the UK. Finally, the openness of the UK labour market to Polish citizens enabled a large number of young but less well-off Poles to initiate, continue or resume education there along with being employed.
This figure may seem low when compared to the total number of Polish residents, but thanks to the internationally highly-valued university degrees and relatively easy access to jobs in the primary labour markets all around Europe, in transnational corporations and European institutions, those persons were likely to be members of the elite among the Polish post-accession migrants. Hence, studying in the UK constitutes one of stages on the path of further professional mobility Andrejuk Other factors.
There was not only an aspiration to emigrate. Practical improvements in travel eased the friction of distance for those moving. The increased availability of transport means and routes, with the wide availability of regular coach lines and cheap airlines, made it easier to come and go.
Other improvements that made the post-accession migration of Poles easier, more effective and executed at lesser costs included the widespread use of plastic money cards, mobile phones and the internet. Perceptions also shifted. Over several months after 1 May , journeys from various parts of Poland to London and other cities of the UK became iconic in the Polish media. They reported, for instance, that in June coaches from Poland arrived at Victoria Station every 10 minutes.
Although many migrants failed and returned or ended up in the streets , the prevalent message sent to relatives and friends in Poland was one of success. The narratives about the migration of Poles to the UK in those early post-accession months recalled tales of the Klondike Gold Rush in the late s.
It was watched on average by more than three million people. Although particular episodes focused on hardships, inter-personal conflicts and even criminality, the series painted life in London as colourful and manageable for all, irrespective of their social background and past experience. Within a relatively short time Britain, and especially London, became well known to Polish public opinion, better than any other place outside Poland, and it became clear that in practically every corner of Poland some persons were missing because of migration to the UK.
The practical side of this knowledge included information about employment opportunities and living conditions and access to quickly expanding Polish-British social networks that paved the way for a well-thought, steady and regular movement of people between the two countries.
What has received less attention in the literature is where the jobs taken by migrants came from and how the demand for labour by UK employers was activated. For most commercial employers, recruitment and mobility decisions and processes are determined by the need to maximise profitability, often involving highly flexible work arrangements such as the need to bring in additional workers to meet peaks of service, product and process demand.
Hence, the nature of business operations underlies the ability of the UK labour market to attract and offer employment to Poles and other incomers. After surviving Nazi and Russian occupation, Edward and his family escaped from Communist Poland to start a new life in Britain. Elzbieta experienced the shortages and frustrations of growing up in Communist Poland and joined the struggle for change.
The lasting effects of World War 2. The British government has made efforts to reassure members of the Polish community.
The exasperation remains. I came here legally, never had any problem with the law, paid my taxes, never spent a day on benefits. Many Poles are attracted home because of a robust economy and a steady rise in living standards since EU accession. Rising living costs in the UK and a steep fall in the value of sterling is also making Britain a much less attractive proposition. After Brexit the country showed its true face.
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